Madang: Journal of Contextual Theology (Madang J Contextual Theol)
Original Article

Sacred versus Holy and the Inversion of Ethical Values in the Contemporary World 1

Vanderbilt University

Correspondence to Jung Mo Sung, Email: jungmosung@gmail.com

Volume 44, 25-40, December 2025.
Madang: Journal of Contextual Theology 2025;44:25-40. https://doi.org/10.58302/Madang.2025.44.3
Received on November 07, 2025, Revised on December 03, 2025, Accepted on December 03, 2025, Published on December 30, 2025.
Copyright © 2025 Author(s).
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons CC BY 4.0 license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).

Abstract

We live in a time of polarization in which notions of ethical-theological values, such as cynicism, selfishness, empathy, or love for one’s neighbor, have become confused or even inverted. Is there a truth that humanizes us, or is everything a matter of political or cultural choices? How can theology contribute to this debate? Joan Robinson, an economist, talking on the endless pursuit of profit and social prestige by business people, said, “No one likes to have a bad conscience. Pure cynicism is rather rare. Even the Thugs robbed and murdered for the honor of their goddess.” On the other hand, Weber said that, whether in pre-modern or current societies, there has always been and always will be the offering of sacrifices to the gods of society, whether these gods are personal or impersonal. Whether because of a bad conscience or a necessity for unequal social systems, the notion of the sacred and its demand for sacrifices are essential in the process of inverse what is good and evil. To better understand this dynamic, this paper discusses (a) the notion of empathy in the human relationship, (b) to distinguish between the logic of the sacred and that of the “holy” (who breaks sacred laws in the name of compassion) in social and religious relations; (c) and analyze the current dialectic between the social division of labor and the social division of workers.

Keywords

Empathy, sacred versus holy, sacrifices, reversal of values, social division of labor, caste

We live in a time of so many political and cultural divisions and polarizations that they make it almost impossible to build a global social consensus to address the two great crises of our time: the profound social inequality and the environmental crisis. In building a new global social consensus, we need common ethical principles from which we can discuss strategies for action. Until recently, we agreed on the notion of human dignity, of international solidarity, and of human rights. However, the world has changed.

Notions of ethical–theological values—such as cynicism, selfishness, empathy, and love of neighbor—have become blurred or even inverted. Is there a truth that genuinely humanizes us, or are such notions merely the product of political or cultural choices, or of private economic interests? Can theology offer a meaningful contribution to this debate?

Joan Robinson, reflecting on the relentless pursuit of profit and social prestige among business elites, observed, “no one likes to have a bad conscience. Pure cynicism is rather rare. Even the Thugs robbed and murdered for the honor of their goddess”2. Conversely, Max Weber3 argued that, whether in pre-modern or contemporary societies, sacrifices have always been offered to the “gods” of society—whether these gods are personal or impersonal. Whether rooted in bad conscience or in the functional demands of unequal social systems, the notion of the sacred and its requirement of sacrifice plays a central role in processes that invert the meanings of good and evil.

To explore whether, and by what means, theology can contribute to this debate, this paper will analyze (a) the concept of empathy; (b) the distinction between the logic of the sacred and that of the “holy,” which may transgress sacred norms in the name of compassion, within social and religious relations; and (c) the dialectic between the social division of labor and the social division of workers

1. Empathy and evil in a polarized world.

Elon Musk, in his famous interview on the podcast “The Joe Rogan Experience” (February 28, 2025), said, “The fundamental weakness of Western civilization is empathy. The exploitation of empathy. They are exploiting a flaw in Western civilization, which is the empathetic response. And I think empathy is good, but you need to think carefully and not be programmed like a robot.”4
Of course, many people criticized him—particularly for the most provocative statement, “The fundamental weakness of Western civilization is empathy”—while many others endorsed his position. The interpretation of this concept of empathy constitutes one of the central issues in the current political–cultural war and therefore merits careful reflection.
First, empathy may be defined as the capacity to perceive a situation from another person’s perspective and to share, to some extent, their emotional experience. According to Michael Tomasello, a professor of psychology and neuroscience,

cognitively speaking, the biological heritage of humans is very similar to that of other primates. There is only one major difference, which is that humans “identify” with their peers more deeply than other primates. This identification is not something mysterious, but simply the process by which human children understand that other people are beings like themselves—in a way that inanimate objects are not, for example—and therefore sometimes try to understand things from their point of view.5
In this sense, empathy is not exactly an ethical virtue but rather a “natural” human disposition. Consequently, when an individual is unable to understand the communicative intentions of others or to experience emotions from another’s perspective, we tend to treat such a condition as an “anomaly.” In other words, a person without empathy is incapable of adequately perceiving or interpreting social reality. This explains why, in the interview, Musk affirms that “empathy is good,” while simultaneously claiming that problems arise when society responds — or, as he suggests, is programmed to respond — to empathy in a mechanical, robotic manner. From his perspective, the kind of empathy that motivates individuals to act on behalf of those in need is interpreted negatively: not as an expression of freedom, but as the behavior of “robots” or “servants.” In response to the interviewer’s remarks, he states that empathy is being used as a weapon. In other words, the problem, in his view, is not empathy itself but what he calls “empathy as a weapon.”

Tomasello, following Piaget’s theoretical orientation, argues that “moral reasoning is […] about empathizing with other people and being able to see and feel things from their point of view”6. Here, two dimensions or moments of empathy can be distinguished: (a) the cognitive capacity to understand and perceive the intentions and emotions of the other; and (b) the ethical response — positive or negative — to the other’s intentions, joy, or suffering. These correspond, respectively, to a cognitive aspect and to an aspect of moral choice. What Musk and other critics call into question is precisely the ethical dimension: the intersubjective and social response informed by empathy or compassion. Such criticism represents a significant ethical reversal. What Western thought has traditionally valued as empathy, compassion, or, in the Christian tradition, “love of neighbor,” is reinterpreted not as a virtue but as a “weakness.” In this inversion, the discourse on good and evil is displaced into the realm of power, reframed as a contrast between “weakness” and “strength/power.” In other words, the ethical criterion is replaced by that of the “will to power.”

On the opposite side of the current political-cultural polarization, it is worth recalling an interview given by Noam Chomsky on the Democracy Now podcast (July 27, 2018), which helps illuminate the complexity of our historical moment. Chomsky observes: “I don’t know what word in the language — I can’t find one — that applies to people of that kind, who are willing to sacrifice — the literal — the existence of organized human life, not in the distant future, so they can put a few more dollars in highly overstuffed pockets. The word ‘evil’ doesn’t begin to approach it.”7

This prominent intellectual and linguist acknowledges the limitations of both modern and postmodern rationalities in addressing the ongoing reversal of the categories of good and evil. I would like to propose here the hypothesis that the concept of sacrifice may offer a fruitful path toward understanding this phenomenon. Originating in the field of religion and widely examined in religious studies and theology, the notion of sacrifice has been employed by leading thinkers of Latin American liberation theology to analyze the economic and political logic of the contemporary world8. Sacrifice constitutes precisely the kind of act that inverts the conventional understanding of the relationship between good and evil and, in the name of the sacred, suspends socio-political rationality and ethical norms within the economic-political sphere.

From this perspective, it becomes evident that the dynamics shaping our present moment cannot be adequately grasped without drawing on a theological-critical rationality. Consequently, the question that arises is the following: how can theology contribute to the construction of a new social consensus regarding truth and the good—one capable of overcoming the current polarization and the state of “cultural war,” in which the other is perceived primarily as an enemy to be eliminated?

2. Sacrifices to the gods and compassion.

Joan Robinson, one of the most important economists of the twentieth century, states in her book Economic Philosophy, published in the early 1960s, an idea that has deeply influenced my training as a theologian and scholar of religion in the modern world:

It is precisely the pursuit of profit which destroys the prestige of the businessman. While wealth can buy all forms of respect, it never finds them freely given. It was the task of the economist to overcome these sentiments and justify the ways of Mammon to man. No one likes to have a bad conscience. Pure cynicism is rather rare. Even the Thugs robbed and murdered for the honor of their goddess. It is the business of the economists, not to tell us what to do, but to show why what we are doing anyway is in accord with proper principles.9
From this provocative statement, I wish to highlight the relationship between “bad conscience” and sacrifice. In Robinson’s observation that “even the Thugs — a group of professional criminals, devotees of Kali, who robbed and murdered travelers in northern India until the mid-nineteenth century — robbed and murdered for the honor of their goddess,” the term sacrifice does not appear explicitly. Instead, she speaks of murder, which reflects an external interpretation, formulated from the standpoint of someone who does not share the religious worldview of the Thugs. From her perspective, the death of victims is classified as homicide rather than sacrifice.
For the Thugs themselves, however, these deaths were sacrificial acts—that is, they were understood as obedience to the demands of the goddess. When killing is framed as a divine mandate, death is interpreted as sacrifice—something good, necessary, and even holy—not as murder. Death is an empirical fact; the distinction between murder and sacrifice is the result of a theological interpretation.
A similar dynamic appears in Christian history: for many Christians, the deaths resulting from colonization, slavery, and the exclusion of the poor from the economic system were often understood as sacrifices demanded by God or required for the “progress of civilization.” Within this logic, religions and theologies play the role of legitimizing the pathways through which dominant groups pursue greater wealth and power.

Yet why do individuals and societies feel the need to justify such deaths and acts of pillage through the notion of sacrifice? Would it not be sufficient simply to seize what they desire without guilt — just as one eats meat without moral distress? Robinson suggests that justification is necessary because “no one likes to have a bad conscience” and because “pure cynicism is rather rare.” As noted above, pure cynicism represents an anomaly in human evolutionary development. Neuroscientists and evolutionary anthropologists argue that our capacity for empathy is a fundamental component of

The notion of bad conscience presupposes the distinction between good and bad conscience— that is, it presupposes a process of ethical discernment. This raises an important question: how is the criterion for discerning between good and bad conscience discovered or constructed? Is it the result of a revelation of truth and goodness granted by gods or enlightened beings? Or is it merely the product of cultural processes through which dominant groups impose their conceptions of truth and goodness upon the defeated?

The recurring social and personal need for religious justification or for pseudoscientific ideologies in the face of acts of theft, oppression, and murder across different societies suggests that we are dealing with something prior to, or underlying, the cultural and economic-political spheres. However, recognizing this deeper layer does not necessarily compel us to adopt the hypothesis of divine revelation.

In my own intellectual trajectory, particularly in examining the relationship between what is considered “natural,” what is considered “cultural,” and what religions describe as “revelation” or “enlightenment,” a text by the Dalai Lama proved especially illuminating. In Ethics for the New Millennium, he writes:

When I speak of basic human feeling, I am not only thinking of something fleeting and vague, however. I refer to the capacity we all have to empathize with one another, which, in Tibetan we call shen dug ngal wa la mi sö pa. Translated literally, this means ‘the inability to bear the sight of another’s suffering.’ Given that this is what enables us to enter into, and to some extent participate, in others’ pain, it is one of our most significant characteristics. It is what causes us to start at the sound of a cry for help, to recoil at the sight of harm done to another, to suffer when confronted with others’ suffering. And it is what compels us to shut our eyes even when we want to ignore others’ distress.10

The Dalai Lama’s final statement is particularly significant: it points to a conflict between the desire to ignore the suffering of others and the physical experience of empathy. Perceiving and feeling the suffering of another entails, in some measure, participating in that suffering. It is impossible to understand what another person is experiencing without simultaneously undergoing, in our own bodies, something of their pain or joy. For this reason, we often “close our eyes” in an attempt to deny empathy or compassion and to shield ourselves from the discomfort generated by the suffering of others. We may shut our eyes, but we cannot fully prevent empathy from occurring. This very compulsion to look away reveals that empathy is a fundamental human characteristic.

What individuals can do, however, is attempt to diminish the impact of others’ suffering on themselves by reducing their own social sensitivity. This is precisely what Pope Francis has repeatedly denounced as the globalized “culture of indifference” fostered by neoliberalism. As social inequality and the exclusion of the poor intensify, a conflict emerges between (a) the desire for unlimited accumulation, which defines the spirit of contemporary neoliberal capitalism, and (b) empathy, one of the primary emotional dispositions of the human species.

It is within this context that Joan Robinson’s notion of the bad conscience of today’s ruling classes becomes pertinent. Bad conscience reflects the first moment in which a human being, aware that the pursuit of Mammon will inevitably cause suffering to others — and ultimately to themselves, and even to the future of civilization — nevertheless desires to proceed. This is the dimension of evil to which Chomsky refers. The second moment involves the attempt to suppress within oneself the force generated by empathy. The individual driven by greed must resist the natural pull of empathy and reaffirm a desire that they know, at some level, to be harmful both to themselves and to others. This tension arises between primary empathy and the self-centered assertion of a desire to possess what belongs to others — a dynamic rooted in envy, mimesis, and greed. This theme of covetousness appears explicitly in the tenth commandment given by Yahweh in the book of Exodus.

The third moment is the inversion of good and evil, an inversion often justified through reference to gods — deities who demand the sacrifice of human lives11. In the process of recognizing oneself as a human being, a person discovers their individuality precisely to the extent that they learn to understand what another expresses and feels. Thus, what the modern Western world typically calls an “individual” is, in fact, someone constituted through relationships within a community. This implies that the notion of one’s own dignity emerges only through the recognition of the dignity of others12. Yet this formative process contradicts greed and the desire for power — spiritual forces that stand in opposition to empathy and compassion. It is at this juncture that the perceived need arises to justify the sacrifice of others in the name of the gods.

As Isaiah Berlin reminds us in his engagement with Kant’s thought, “To what could a human being be sacrificed? Only to something which is superior to, more authoritative, more valuable than that human being”13. For believers, both past and present, the gods and their sacred texts are understood as superior and transcendent realities. For Kant, such sacrifices amounted to blasphemy; for liberation theologians, for Pope Franci14, and for Pope Leo X15, the contemporary equivalent is the idolatry of money, which exerts a dominant and destructive power in today’s world.

In analyzing Joan Robinson’s statement, I emphasized the psychosocial and intersubjective dimensions of sacrifice and the bad conscience of individuals and societies. I now turn to a thesis formulated by Max Weber concerning sacrifice in the modern world. Addressing the impossibility of science to adjudicate between competing cultural value systems, Weber writes:

Just as the Greek would bring a sacrifice at one time to Aphrodite and at another to Apollo, and above all, to the gods of his own city, people do likewise today. Only now, the gods have been deprived of the magical and mythical, but inwardly true qualities that gave them such vivid immediacy. These gods and their struggles are ruled over by fate, and certainly not by “science.” We cannot go beyond understanding what the divine means for this or that system or within this or that system.16

First, it must be emphasized that, for Weber, one of the defining features of modernity is the disenchantment of the world. However, this concept does not imply that the modern world has become secularized in the sense of rendering the notion of God socially irrelevant. Weber suggests instead that every society—premodern or modern—requires a “God,” whether personal or impersonal. Thus, in neoliberalism, the “Free Market” operates as a transcendent and unquestionable principle17; in the former Soviet Union, the “Communist State”18 functioned in a similar way. Without a sacred principle and its corresponding sacred values, no social system can sustain itself. The ultimate foundation of social order is always something sacred— something in whose name sacrifices, including human sacrifices, can be demanded. Conversely, the transformation of a social system or a social revolution requires the emergence of a new God.

This is why Weber analyzed the rise of capitalism as the emergence of a new spirit, the Spirit of Capitalism. At the risk of repeating what is already widely known, it is helpful to cite Weber’s well-known formulation:

In fact, the summum bonum of this ethic, […] appears entirely transcendental and absolutely irrational. Man is dominated by the making of money, by acquisition as the ultimate purpose of his life. Economic acquisition is no longer subordinated to man as the means for the satisfaction of his material needs. This reversal of what we should call the natural relationship, so irrational from a naïve point of view, is evidently as definitely a leading principle of capitalism as it is foreign to all peoples not under capitalistic influence.19

With the emergence of a new spirit and a new transcendental—indeed, irrational—principle, which requires no rational justification, we encounter a new criterion for legitimizing sacrifices. What we are witnessing in the current political-cultural conflict is precisely a war of the gods.20

In this context, it is crucial to recall that these gods and their promised heavens or paradises are not entities situated outside the universe. As Franz Hinkelammert—one of the most significant critical thinkers within the tradition of liberation theology—observes:

Heaven has a history, just like the earth. When the earth changes, the heaven changes, for the simple reason that the heaven is a human imagination based on the earth. Heaven is, in a certain sense and most of the time, an unconscious human project. This is particularly true of the Christian tradition, in which the projects of human society appear through the anticipation of heaven on earth. […] There are no changes without a projection of what will be. Since what will be is always derived as an anticipation of heaven on earth, the struggle for power on earth is always a struggle for heaven.21

This indicates that any adequate analysis of contemporary social conflict requires a deeper engagement with theological discussions concerning the gods and their corresponding images of paradise.

3. The sacred and the holy.

In both modern Western theology and religious studies, there is relatively little discussion of the struggle between gods or sacred beings. The dominant oppositions tend instead to be framed as faith/God versus atheism/secularization, or the sacred versus the profane or secular world. For reasons of scope, I will not address here the problem of the various names and conceptions of “God” found across different cultures. Rather, I will focus on the possibility of developing an ethical-theological principle that can be applied (a) as a criterion for discerning between what is true-good and what is false-evil, (b) within the contemporary struggle of the gods, and (c) in a way that may be used across religions or within different segments of a particular tradition. In other words, I seek a criterion that transcends cultural and religious differences and thereby enables dialogue and alliances in this struggle.

To begin, it is necessary to examine the frequent assumption that the terms sacred and holy are synonymous. The title of Rudolf Otto’s classic 1917 work, Das Heilige, can be translated into other Western languages either as The Sacred or The Holy. This ambiguity arises because German does not possess two distinct terms to express these two ideas, as do many other Western languages. Consequently, the English translator opted for holy (The Idea of the Holy), as did the Spanish translator (Lo santo), while the Italian (Il sacro), French (Le sacré), and Portuguese (O sagrado) versions chose the alternative.

Without entering into a detailed discussion of the theoretical or commercial motives behind these translational choices, it is generally accepted among scholars of religion that sacred and holy are treated as interchangeable. Even in reference to religious experience—not only to places, objects, or rituals—the two terms are commonly used as synonyms.

Consider, for example, a statement by Hubert and Mauss in Sacrifice: Its Nature and Function: “The place of the ceremony must itself be sacred: outside a holy place immolation is mere murder.”22 Here the terms sacred and holy appear as equivalents, and the authors directly relate sacrifice to the metamorphosis of murder into a beneficial and saving action. In all human societies, murder—or the avoidable death of a child—is morally unacceptable, except when such death is interpreted as a sacrifice demanded by the gods, whether these gods are anthropomorphic or impersonal.

A contemporary example from modern economics illustrates the relationship between the sacred and sacrifice. Paul A. Samuelson, winner of the 1970 Nobel Prize in Economics, writes in his widely read textbook Economics—which sold more than four million copies—that in an impersonal capitalist market system, “goods go where there are the most votes or dollars. John D. Rockefeller’s dog may receive the milk that a poor child needs to avoid rickets. Why? Because supply and demand are working badly? No. Because they are doing what they are designed to do, putting goods in the hands of those who can pay the most”23. The ethical or political issue in capitalist society is whether (a) the outcomes of market logic should be modified because of social inequality and its consequences, or (b) such outcomes should be accepted without question because the free market is regarded as sacred, as proposed by neoliberals and by those who reject the notion of human rights, including social rights.

By definition, the sacred is something unquestionable and irrational in the sense that it stands beyond rational or profane logic. If all social systems are founded on sacred principles that are unquestionable within those systems, then radical criticism of a dominant system is possible only when one invokes another system with its own sacred principles. This is precisely what Mircea Eliade refers to when he writes: “the history of religions is, in large part, the history of the devaluation and revaluation of the process of manifestation of the sacred”24.

The recognition that the history of religions and societies results from struggles between gods and competing conceptions of the sacred is important but insufficient for confronting the challenges of our time. Simply acknowledging that we inhabit a conflict among divergent notions of the sacred does not provide the criteria needed to discern the most adequate path for the future of humanity. We require a criterion capable of distinguishing between conceptions of the sacred that, through their unquestionable laws, demand the sacrifice of human lives, and those that affirm the right of all human beings to live with dignity.

This issue appears clearly in a statement by Hannah Arendt in The Human Condition:

The reason why life asserted itself as the ultimate point of reference in the modern age and has remained the highest good of modern society is that the modern reversal operated within the fabric of a Christian society whose fundamental belief in the sacredness of life has survived, and has even remained completely unshaken by, secularization and the general decline of the Christian faith.25

In this passage, we find a criterion she names “sacred,” akin to Kant’s thesis, as presented by Isaiah Berlin that “the only ultimately valuable thing in the universe is the individual human being.”26

Thus, we can distinguish two concepts of the sacred: the more familiar one—found in the works of Eliade, Hubert, Mauss, and many contemporary scholars of religion and theology— and another, highlighted by Arendt. The first concept, closely linked to sacrifice, establishes boundaries separating space, time, rites, and persons into the spheres of the sacred and the profane. This understanding of the sacred is always associated with the system that enables the reproduction of a given social group. At the same time, it determines who may live with pleasure and dignity and who is deemed inferior, both in rights and in the recognition of their humanity. Like every classificatory system, it produces groups considered outside the limits of full humanity—for example, slaves or the “untouchables” in caste societies.

In rebellion against this logic of the sacred, Arendt and other modern thinkers propose another notion: a sacred that transcends sacralized systems and affirms the life of every human being as sacred. The challenge lies in preventing conceptual confusion in dialogue and, even more importantly, in operationalizing this concept of human life as sacred within the contemporary struggle of the sacred.

Drawing inspiration from Levinas’s27 distinction between the sacred and the holy and from liberation theology’s differentiation between the “God of Life” and the idol, I offer some preliminary reflections on the notion of the holy. To clarify the difference between the sacred and the holy, I turn to two passages from the Gospel. The first is the well-known parable of the Good Samaritan. Both the priest and the Levite—figures associated with the sacred—upon seeing the fallen man, “passed by on the other side” (Lk 10:31–32). This detail is crucial for understanding the logic of the sacred: as sacred functionaries, they know that contact with the wounded man would render them impure. Their entire worldview and self-understanding are shaped by the categories of pure and impure and by the obligation to obey the laws of purity, upon which, in their view, their own salvation and that of Israel depend.

By contrast, the Samaritan—considered impure a priori by Jewish standards—approaches the fallen man and tends to him. Jesus notes that “when he saw him, he took pity on him” (Lk 10:33). All three men perceived the situation and the suffering of the wounded man—that is, all experienced the initial moment of empathy. The difference lies in their reactions. The two sacred men, obeying sacred laws, distanced themselves, while the Samaritan, moved by compassion, approached and acted. Were the sacred figures to justify their actions, they would invoke a sacrificial and insensitive theology. The Samaritan, in turn, might have difficulty theologically justifying his action within the religious system of Samaria. He was moved by a force that Christian theology calls the Holy Spirit. Just as there exists a “spirit of the sacred” that drives individuals and societies toward the logic of exclusion, accumulation, and inequality, there also exists a “holy” spirit—one that leads toward empathy, compassion, and solidarity with those who suffer.

A decisive difference between the logic of the sacred and the logic of the holy concerns the theme of “self-giving.” In the logic of sacrifice, the fundamental relationship is defined by obedience to the law and the demands of the gods. Worshippers accept these demands only in exchange for promised benefits; and if such benefits fail to materialize, the sacrifices are judged to have been offered in vain. In contrast, the logic of the holy—as exemplified by the Good Samaritan—does not arise from external requirements but from an interior freedom. Acts of compassion and solidarity have intrinsic value; they do not depend on successful outcomes. Of course, such actors hope for the best possible results, but the validity of their action does not rest upon them. In this sense, attitudes and actions grounded in holiness are marked by freedom and by an experience of gratuity or grace.

A second example is the healing of a man with leprosy. Confronted with this man’s plea for healing, the Gospel of Matthew reports: “Jesus reached out his hand and touched the man. ‘I am willing,’ he said. ‘Be clean!’ Immediately he was cleansed of his leprosy” (Mt 8:3). Interpretations of this passage often emphasize Jesus’ miraculous power to heal or, in more secularized contexts, the need to demythologize such narratives as implausible within a modern, enlightened worldview. What I wish to highlight, however, is that Jesus touches the man before healing him—an individual considered untouchable, ritually impure, and diametrically opposed to the sacred according to the prevailing religious logic. It is not the miracle that allows Jesus to touch him, as required by sacred law; rather, Jesus’ gesture expresses the conviction that this man—deemed untouchable by society and its gods—is nevertheless worthy of being touched and, therefore, recognized as fully human.

By touching the man with leprosy, Jesus reveals the signs of the presence of the Kingdom of God within history: the presence of a God who does not differentiate between people, regardless of how impure or untouchable they may be considered by society. Yet Jesus is also aware that no society can function without norms. Thus, he instructs the healed man: “Go, show yourself to the priest and offer the gift Moses commanded, as a testimony to them” (Mt 8:4).

Jesus recognizes the necessity of rules for social coexistence, but he simultaneously challenges the sacred logic that identifies a person’s social situation, status, or place within the division of labor with their level of what we may call human dignity. His actions confront the conflation between ritual impurity and ontological inferiority—a conflation that has historically justified exclusion and dehumanization.

This theme is fundamental for our time because the central political-cultural struggle today unfolds precisely between those who defend the fundamental equality of all human beings and those who uphold classificatory schemes that divide humanity into superior, inferior, and subhuman categories, thereby legitimizing the profound social inequalities of our era.

4. The social division of labor and the social division of human beings.

The classification of human beings—whether between free and enslaved, faithful and unfaithful, pure and impure—forms part of the very logic of the sacred and represents one of the most recurrent patterns in human history. In the West, Christianity raised the banner of the fundamental equality of all persons in the name of a God who makes no distinctions: “There is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither slave nor free, there is neither male nor female; for you are all one in Christ Jesus” (Gal 3:28).

In the twentieth century, with the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights, we witnessed a major international effort to build a broad social consensus around the principle of equality. This principle served as the foundation for struggles for human rights and for the affirmation of civil, political, and social rights.

What we observe today is what Hinkelammert called “the rebellion against equality.”28 The defense of an intrinsic hierarchy between social classes, races, cultures, religions, genders, and sexualities is often justified in the name of the sacred or of a supposed divine will—what, in biblical tradition, would be identified as idolatry.

In modern social analysis, whether liberal or Marxist, the role and function of subjects within the social system become central precisely because the assumption of fundamental human equality shifts the analytical focus toward the functionality and transformation of the social order. However, with neoliberalism and neofacism, the contemporary ideologies that most explicitly deny the fundamental equality of human being, we need to discuss the problem of inequality, and specifically the notion of caste.

Gunnar Myrdal, in his book on the situation of Black people in the United States in the late 1930s, says, “The scientifically important difference between the terms ‘caste’ and ‘class’ as we are using them is, […], a relatively large difference in freedom of movement between groups. This difference is foremost in marriage relations.”29 Although legal prohibitions on interracial marriage no longer exist, such unions continue to face cultural disapproval, particularly among white populations. Underlying this separation and hierarchical ordering is the notion of “racial purity,” a concept that fundamentally relies on the rejection of social equality. In his research, Myrdal observed that “Rejection of ‘social equality’ is to be understood as a precaution to hinder miscegenation and particularly intermarriage. The danger of miscegenation is so tremendous that the segregation and discrimination inherent in the refusal of ‘social equality’ must be extended to nearly all spheres of life.”30

For Myrdal, the use of the concept of “caste” allows us to understand a concrete problem faced by Black people in his racist capitalist society, “When we say that Negroes form a lower caste in America, we mean that they are subject to certain disabilities solely because they are ‘Negroes’ in the rigid American definition and not because they are poor and ill-educated.”31 As he said in his book, “Caste, as distinguished from class, consists of such drastic restrictions of free competition in the various spheres of life that the individual in a lower caste cannot […] change his status, […] Caste may thus in a sense be viewed as the extreme case of absolutely rigid class.”32

This concept of caste, which Myrdal employed in his analysis of American society in the first half of the twentieth century, proves useful for understanding the complexity of contemporary forms of oppression and social injustice. In this regard, Isabel Wilkerson argues, “Throughout human history, three caste systems have stood out. The tragically accelerated, chilling, and officially vanquished caste system of Nazi Germany. The lingering, millennia-long caste system of India. And the shape-shifting, unspoken, race-based caste pyramid in the United States.”33

According to Isabel Wilkerson, “Like other old houses, America has an unseen skeleton, a caste system that is as central to its operation […] Caste is the infrastructure of our divisions. It is the architecture of human hierarchy, the subconscious code of instructions for maintaining, in our case, a four-hundred-year-old social order.”34 Moreover, all caste systems recorded in history have been based on “stigmatizing those deemed inferior to justify the dehumanization necessary to keep the lowest-ranked people at the bottom and to rationalize the protocols of enforcement”35. These systems, whether pre-modern or modern, persist because “they are justified as divine will, originating from sacred texts or the presumed laws of nature, reinforced throughout the culture and passed down through the generations”36.

To further analyze the relationship between social roles and caste structures—particularly in the context of the contemporary alliance between neoliberalism, neo-fascism, and hierarchical religious ideologies—it is useful to draw upon the work of the Indian thinker Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar (1891–1956). A Dalit (formerly designated as “Untouchable”), Ambedkar had the opportunity to study at Columbia University, where he completed his doctorate in 1927, and at the London School of Economics. In his most influential work, Annihilation of Caste (1936), he addresses the relationship between the modern economy and caste dynamics, arguing that

the caste system is not merely a division of labor. It is also a division of laborers. Civilized society undoubtedly needs division of labor. But in no civilized society is division of labor accompanied by this unnatural division of laborers into watertight compartments. The caste system is not merely a division of laborers—which is quite different from division of labor—it is a hierarchy in which the divisions of laborers are graded one above the other.37

In this caste system, those situated at the bottom are indispensable for its functioning and for sustaining the privileges of those at the top. First, without these “inferiors,” there would be no workers available to perform the dirty, dangerous, and grossly underpaid tasks. Second, the justification of the privileges enjoyed by the upper strata depends on the social acceptance that those consigned to the margins of exclusion—the “impure”—deserve their suffering.

In analyzing the struggle against the caste system, Ambedkar offers an insight that is crucial for our reflection:

Caste among non-Hindus has no religious consecration; but among Hindus most decidedly it has. Among non-Hindus, caste is only a practice, not a sacred institution. They did not originate it. With them it is only a survival mechanism. They do not regard caste as a religious dogma. Religion compels the Hindus to treat isolation and segregation of castes as a virtue.38

Whether in Ambedkar’s India or in the contemporary cultural-spiritual struggle against forms of dehumanization and labor exploitation directed at the so-called inferiors, we must avoid the error of critiquing only the malicious intentions or personal motivations of individuals. Many people defend this unjust and inhumane system precisely because they are deeply religious. What we confront is an idolatrous system within which religiosity itself is formed and practiced. The fundamental problem lies not in isolated personal attitudes but in the dominant religiouscultural structure that teaches insensitivity to the suffering of the most vulnerable.

5. Final words

In light of the argument developed thus far, let us return to Elon Musk’s statement: “The fundamental weakness of Western civilization is empathy.” The task of theology and of those who follow the God of Life is to recover the meaning of the good and the true—realities that have been imprisoned by injustice (Rom 1:18). In the contemporary world, those who show solidarity with the suffering are often accused of weakness. Yet, through faith in Jesus, we know that when we are “weak” in this way, we are in fact truly strong (2 Cor 12:10), strengthened by the Holy Spirit.

Acknowledgements

None.

Conflict of interest

No potential conflict of interest relevant to this article was reported.

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Footnotes

1 Paper written for the Cole Lecture 2025, at the invitation of the School of Theology and the Department of Graduate Studies in Religion at Vanderbilt University.

2 Joan Robinson, Economic Philosophy: An essay on the progress of economic thought (Penguin Books, 1962), 24.

3 Max Weber, The vocation lectures (Hackett Publishing, 2004).

4 Bob Johnson, “Elon Musk believes empathy is the ‘fundamental weakness’ of Western civilization”. Daily Kos. March 06, 2025. https://www.dailykos.com/stories/2025/3/5/2308276/-Musk-believes-empathy-is-the-fundamentalweakness-of-Western-civilization

5 Michael Tomasello, The Cultural Origins of Human Cognition. (Harvard University Press, 2000), 14.

6 Ibid, 180.

7 Democracy Now. Noam Chomsky on Mass Media Obsession with Russia & the Stories not being covered in the Trump Era. September, 27, 2018.

8 Hugo Assmann and Franz Hinkelammert, A idolatria do mercado: ensaio sobre economia e teologia (Vozes, 1989); Jung Mo Sung, Idolatria do dinheiro e direitos humanos: uma crítica teológica do novo mito do capitalismo (Paulus, 2018); Jung Mo Sung, O sagrado X o santo: a rebelião de Eva e o pecado original do capitalismo (Recriar, 2025). 

9 J. Robin, Economic Philosophy, 24-25.

10 Dalai Lama, Ethics for the new millennium (Riverhead Books, 1999), 64.

11 Pablo Richard et alii, La lucha de los dioses: los ídolos de la opresión y la búsqueda del Dios liberador (DEI-Centro Antonio Valdivieso, 1980).

12 Enrique Dussel, Ethics of liberation: in the age of globalization and exclusion (Duke University Press, 2013).

13 Isaiah Berlin, Freedom and Its Betrayal. Six Enemies of Human Liberty (Pimlico, 2003), 58.

14 Pope Francisco, Evangelii Gaudium (Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 2013).

15 Pope Leão XIV. Dilexi Te (Libreria Editrice Vatican, 2025).

16 Max Weber, The vocation lectures (Hackett Publishing, 2004), 23.

17 H. Assmann and F. Hinkelammert, A idolatria do Mercado.

18 Franz J. Hinkelammert, Crítica de la razón utópica (Desclée, 2002).

19 Weber, Max. The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (Routledge, 2005), 18.

20 Michael Löwy, The War of Gods: Religion and Politics in Latin America (Verso, 1996); Pablo Richard et alii, La lucha de los dioses (DEI-Centro Antonio Valdivieso, 1980).

21 H. Assmann and F. Hinkelammert, A idolatria do Mercado, 368-369.

22 Henri Hubert and Marcel Mauss, Sacrifice: its Nature and Function (The University of Chicago Press Chicago, 1964), 25.

23 Paul A. Samuelson, Economics: An Introductory Analysis (McGraw-Hill, 1948), 38.

24 Eliade, Mircea. Tratado de história das religiões (Cosmos, 1977), 50.

25 Hannah Arendt, The Human Condition (University of Chicago Press, 1958), 314.

26 I. Berlin, Isaiah. Freedom and Its Betrayal, 56.

27 Emmanuel Levinas, Du Sacré au Saint: Cinq Nouvelles Lectures Talmudiques (Minuit, 1977).

28 Franz J. Hinkelammert. Cuando Dios se hace hombre, el ser humano hace la modernidad: Crítica de la razón mítica en la historia occidental (Ed. Universidad Nacional, 2022).

29 Gunnar Myrdal. An American Dilemma. The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy (Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1944), 667-668.

30 Ibid, 58.

31 Ibid, 669.

32 Ibid, 674-675

33 Isabel Wilkerson, Caste: The Origins of our Discontents (Random House, 2020), 17.

34 Ibid, 17.

35 Ibid, 17.

36 Ibid, 17.

37 Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, Annihilation of Caste (Grapevine India Publishers, 2021), p. 10, § 4.1.

38 Ibid, 27, §19,7.

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